2018/7/11 16:26:00
鶴壁翻譯公司講政客與宗教 造神風(fēng)波
鶴壁翻譯公司講政客與宗教 造神風(fēng)波
Politicians and religion
政客與宗教
Doing God
造神風(fēng)波
David Cameron's frank Christian talk is more astute than the reaction to it suggests
卡梅倫坦率的復(fù)活節(jié)講話與其說(shuō)是對(duì)民眾的反應(yīng)有所企圖， 不如說(shuō)是詭計(jì)多端
FEW Britons have well-defined religious beliefs, but many have tastes in matters of religion. As with tea, they don't like it too cold or too hot. They seem to want the established religion to be present somewhere in the background, with its village churches, Christmas carols and Remembrance Day services, and they would hate it to vanish altogether; but they would squirm if anyone asked them to accept Jesus as their personal saviour.
具有虔誠(chéng)宗教信仰的英國(guó)人數(shù)量雖然微乎其微，但是大多數(shù)的英國(guó)人都有著良好的宗教品味。譬如喝茶，他們不喜歡茶溫過(guò)低或過(guò)高。英國(guó)人似乎只是希望將宗教建立在某些特定環(huán)境之中，例如他們的鄉(xiāng)村教堂、圣誕頌歌以及國(guó)殤日的紀(jì)念服務(wù)。如果這些都消失不見(jiàn)的話，英國(guó)人會(huì)十分不悅；但如果有人要求他們將耶穌作為救世主頂禮膜拜他們又會(huì)覺(jué)得十分別扭。
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It is that sentiment that David Cameron and other senior Tories seemed to be invoking when they marked the Easter season with some firmly (but not too firmly) Christian messages. Having declared at an Easter reception that he was “proud of the fact that we are a Christian country”, the prime minister took to the Church Times, an Anglican weekly, to spell out what he did not mean. He described himself as a “rather classic” member of the Church of England, “not that regular in attendance and a bit vague on some of the more difficult parts of the faith”. Still, he loved old country churches, like the one his parents had laboured to restore, and welcomed the church's role as a moral and pastoral force.
然而在卡梅倫和其他保守黨高級(jí)官員給復(fù)活節(jié)打上看似堅(jiān)定的基督色彩的烙印，似乎祈盼能夠喚起民眾狂野的宗教熱忱。在復(fù)活節(jié)講話中公然宣布他“為我們作為基督徒國(guó)家而感到驕傲”之后，首相卡梅倫又在英國(guó)國(guó)教徒周刊《教會(huì)時(shí)報(bào)》上聲明他并沒(méi)有那個(gè)意思。他將自己形容成英國(guó)國(guó)教“不勝虔誠(chéng)”的一員，“但并不經(jīng)常參與宗教活動(dòng)，對(duì)某些較難認(rèn)同的宗教信仰的態(tài)度也模棱兩可?！蓖瑯拥?，他深愛(ài)著這個(gè)古老國(guó)家的教堂-那些由他的祖祖輩輩耗時(shí)耗力修復(fù)的教堂，并希望教堂可以作為一種道德與pastoral的力量繼續(xù)發(fā)揮它的功用。
These words, plus a short Easter broadcast noting how “incredibly special” the feast was for many people, have drawn loud complaints from secularists. Dominic Grieve, the attorney-general and an Anglican, defended his boss's views—and was barracked in turn. More than 40 Anglican bishops and 600 clergy issued an implicit rebuke in the form of a letter urging Mr Cameron to focus on food poverty. Keith Hebden, a clergyman, said that the police had prevented him and the bishop of Oxford from delivering a copy to Mr Cameron's constituency office, in an area where lovely old churches abound.
然而對(duì)于大多數(shù)人，這些話加上復(fù)活節(jié)廣播中傳遞出的“令人難以置信的特殊存在”，已然在世俗論者中引得噓聲一片。身為總檢察長(zhǎng)的國(guó)教教徒多米尼克·格里夫，為他的頂頭上司辯護(hù)，卻反而被人們聲討。.超過(guò)四十名圣公會(huì)主教和600名神職人員以書信的形式對(duì)卡梅倫發(fā)出隱晦的指責(zé)，并要求其將重點(diǎn)放在糧食短缺的問(wèn)題上。牧師基斯·赫布登稱，警方阻止他和牛津的主教向卡梅倫的選區(qū)辦公室遞送這一信件的復(fù)印本。據(jù)悉該選區(qū)辦公室位于老教堂鱗次櫛比之地
Yet Mr Cameron's appeal to warm and fuzzy Anglicanism is politically astute. A recent survey by Theos, a religious think-tank, showed a clear link between being Anglican—practising or otherwise—and voting Conservative. Such voters are Mr Cameron's to lose, and he may lose many of them to the anti-Brussels UK Independence Party if it presses the button of cultural nativism more successfully.
不過(guò)卡梅倫對(duì)于英國(guó)國(guó)教熱情而曖昧的呼吁不失為一種政治上的明智之舉。最近由宗教智庫(kù)“西奧斯”所做的一項(xiàng)調(diào)查顯示了民眾對(duì)國(guó)教或者其他宗教的信仰同投票支持保守黨之間的明確聯(lián)系?？穫愂チ诉@些選民的支持，并且如果卡梅倫的此項(xiàng)舉動(dòng)按下了促使英國(guó)社會(huì)文化異化與分裂的按鈕，卡梅倫將會(huì)失去更多的選民，并且這些選民最終會(huì)投向反歐盟的英國(guó)獨(dú)立黨的懷抱。
And as Jonathan Bartley, founder of a more liberal religion-watching outfit called Ekklesia, points out, the proportion of Britons (59%) who call themselves Christian on a census form exceeds by a factor of at least ten the number of regular churchgoers. That implies a large constituency of cultural Christians who are not militant secularists but have no more appetite for “difficult parts of the faith” than Mr Cameron does.
正如自由宗教組織Ekklesia創(chuàng)始人喬納森·巴特利指出的那樣，在人口普查中聲稱自己是基督徒的人口（高達(dá)總?cè)丝诘?9%）超過(guò)了定期去做禮拜的人數(shù)的十倍。這意味著大多數(shù)選區(qū)的基督徒并非激進(jìn)的世俗論者，而是比卡梅倫對(duì)那些“較難認(rèn)同的宗教信仰” 更難接受的人。
For evidence of the continuing role of religion in politics look, too, at Mr Cameron's main rivals. Ed Miliband, Labour's leader, is an atheist who nonetheless aspires to be “the first Jewish prime minister”. Nick Clegg, leader of the Liberal Democrats, is an atheist too, but he points out that his wife and children are Catholic. Fervent secularism is no more appealing to most Britons than its opposite.
披著政治外衣的宗教所帶來(lái)的持續(xù)影響也是卡梅倫的主要對(duì)手之一。工黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人埃德·米利德班，是一名無(wú)論如何都想要成為“第一位猶太人首相”的無(wú)神論者。自由民主黨的領(lǐng)袖尼克·克萊格也是一名無(wú)神論者。但是他指出他的妻子和孩子都是天主教徒。對(duì)于大多數(shù)英國(guó)人來(lái)說(shuō)，狂熱的世俗主義除了其對(duì)立面之外沒(méi)有任何可取指出。